Recommendations

1. Due to Somaliland’s prolonged election dispute, election delay, and commission
   disputes, there has been a growing distrust among election stakeholders. However,
   we note that the current National Election Commission has successfully gained their
   trust. To maintain and further strengthen this trust, we urge the NEC to prioritize
   greater transparency, inclusiveness, and openness in its operations.
2. This year, social media disinformation is alarmingly high. Active foreign and regional
   actors with various agendas regarding the Somaliland elections have a significant
   presence on social media. Therefore, we call on the NEC to pay close attention to
   social media activities and find a balance between upholding freedom of speech and
   countering disinformation effectively.
3. The Somaliland Election Monitoring Office calls upon the government, the ruling
   party, the opposition parties, and the new political associations to refrain from using
   baseless political accusations and disinformation. Instead, we urge them to share
   with their audiences why they are better than others and their political agendas. This
   approach will contribute to the country’s unity, a more informed electorate, and a
   healthier democratic process.

Somaliland President H.E. Muse Bihi Abdi got more votes than any of the other regional leaders15, nearly 50% of the voters who casted their votes of all Somaliland elections were women. But Somaliland has the lowest women representation in the region. In Ethiopia, Djibouti and Somalia, women are the chairperson of a political parties, and are on the decision-making table. For example, in December 201916, the eight political parties who founded the Prosperity Party of Ethiopia17, women were leading two of them, and also, they hold the highest position of state including the Head of State, the President of Supreme Court, etc.

In Djibouti, President Ismail Omar Geelle gave the women, more representation in his government, including the highest offices. In Somalia, Women have more influence in decision-making platforms, since they have more representation in the Parliament, leading different registered political parties, the National Electoral Commission, etc.

Somaliland governments and political party leaders promised many times to increase the women representation in both elected offices and nominated positions. Presidential candidates signed commitment letters promising 30% women representation in the government.

The CPA’s January 2020 report about women’s political participation shows that the President of Somaliland nominated18 214 positions, only 6% of them were female, while all other 94% were male. In other words, Somaliland has 613 elected or presidential nominated offices, only 16 of them are women, while the remaining 597 are men. Nearly 323 elected local councilors, only 9 of them are female, while there is no single female mayor or governor in the country. That above data indicates how women are marginalized in Somaliland decision making platforms despite their attempts to be part of the process.

Women have been struggling their rights of political participation since the first election in 2002, and until now no major break-through is made so far. Reasons are many, however two major deterrence factors are the existence of clan-based election system and the dynamics of clan power sharing. Secondly, the Somali culture which believes that women cannot take up positions of leadership. The continued absence of women in the decision making would undermine inclusive governance and the fairness of participation by all concerned citizens.

Please read here the full report:

 This brief looks at the nature of the new political associations and how they are different, or not, from the existing three political parties, which are often accused of being one person show with no internal democracy and clear political agenda.

Background

Exactly twenty years ago, Somaliland conducted 2002, the first one person one vote election since it declared the restoration of independence in 1991.[1] After the approval of a constitution in 2001,[2] Somalilanders lined up to vote for local councils for their districts on 15 December 2002.[3] Less than six months later, a presidential election was competed in 14 April 2003.[4] The then incumbent won by a narrow margin of fewer than three hundred votes. In November 2005, the first parliamentary election took place where 82 members of the lower house of the bicameral Parliament, the House of Representatives, were elected from all the six regions of Somaliland.[5] The opposition parties gained the majority of the House. The first cycle of Somaliland’s democratisation process was a success story.

The second phase of the election cycle, however, faced challenges. When the term of the local councils expired in 2007, their term was extended until 2012. President Dahir Rayale Kahin, who was elected in 2003 for five years term, stayed in power until the 2010 presidential election when he lost to the opposition contender, Ahmed Silanyo. The extensions received by President Rayale were controversial. The opposition took the streets, and the international community intervened to mediate the parties. In 2009, six points agreement was reached that paved the way for the 2010 elections.

The victory of the opposition leader, Ahmed Silanyo,[6] who long opposed extensions and delays of elections, has not solved the issue. Silanyo himself got extensions twice. His term expired in 2015, but the presidential election took place on 13 November 2017. The members of the House of Representatives who were elected in 2005 held on power up to May 2021. They exceeded their term of 11 years.[7] The House of Elders (Guurti) was never re-elected since 2003, when their term expired.

  Article 9 of the Constitution stipulates as follows:

1. The political system of the Republic of Somaliland shall be based on peace, co-operation, democracy and multi-party system.
2. The number of political parties in the Republic of Somaliland shall not exceed three (3).
3. A special law shall determine the procedures for the formation of a political party, but it is unlawful for any political party to be based on regionalism or clannism.[8]

The article in the first paragraph permits a multi-party system and restricts them only to three in paragraph two. Nevertheless, the constitution was the starting point for a multi-party-political system that replaced the clan-based selections of leaders.

A closer look at the new political associations

The new temporary political associations that are currently undergoing the screening process seem to replicate the process and structure of the existing three political parties. In the announcement of these political associations, it is always led by one politician, and it shows no inclusivity in terms of citizen participation and democracy. The billboards and banners indicated only one politician rather than an association of citizens as required by the law. It is therefore of great concern that the process so far indicates the status quo unless the Commission insists on real changes.

Most of the new political associations represent the old guards and manifest little inclusivity. Although there are more women in leadership positions compared to the three parties. The one person that dominates these new associations might undermine inclusivity and can lead to the exclusion of women and youth when general assemblies are held in the coming weeks as scheduled by the Commission. The structures of the association are the same and replicate the existing three parties. One person, the chairperson, dominates the organisation’s leadership and decision-making.  

The positive aspect is that there is one women-led association and associations representing the eastern and western parties of the country, areas that are currently politically marginalised. However, the experience and precedence in the registration of new political associations (2002 and 2012) demonstrate that the number of political associations will shrink significantly after the second phase, and many will be eliminated from the list. The upcoming phase is costly and requires more money, which is not in favour of small associations with no strong financial backing.

The majority of the newly declared associations split from the ruling party. These include a heavy-weight former minister of the presidency, Mohamoud Hashi Abdi, who unsuccessfully aspired to lead the ruling party, academic Ahmed Ismail Samatar, Abdirisak Atash, who was a minister before he resigned to form a political association, and Salebaan Haglo-toosiye, a former minister.

A DIRECT ELECTION OF THE NEW POLITICAL ASSOCIATION.

After the Committee ensures the political associations that have met the requirements set by Law No. 14/2011, they will announce the final list of the political associations that are ready to participate in the elections, and will submit to the National Electoral Commission, which will conduct a direct election of the newly registered political associations and the current national three political parties.

According to the decision of the Supreme Court, the public will directly vote for the new political associations and the current national political parties. As the article 6^th of Law No. 14/2011[9] stating, the three political associations/parties that receive 20% of the votes in each region, or the parties with the highest percentage of votes, in the regions of the country, will be certified as the new nation political parties for the coming 10 years. if two parties/associations have the same percentage in the regions, they will be ranked according to the number of votes they received nationwide.

How about the technical possibilities of combined elections

In principle, The Somaliland’s general election law (Law No. 91/2020), allow of holding two or more elections at once.[10] If the three political parties agreed to hold the presidential election and the direct election of the new political associations at one time, technically, the voters will vote both the presidential  candidates, and the registered political associations/parties at one time, in a two separate voting papers with different colours, as the article 102 (3) of the Law No. 91/2020 requires.

The NEC will count the result of votes separately. As the article 83 of the constitution requires, the presidential candidates who receives the highest number of votes in the country will be announces as the winner. For the direct election of the new political associations/parties, the three political associations/parties that receives 20% of the votes in each region, or the parties/associations with the highest percentage of votes, in the regions of the country, will be certified as the new nation political parties for the coming 10 years. if two parties/associations have the same percentage in the regions, they will be ranked according to the number of votes they received nationwide, as the article 6^th of Law No. 14/2011 is stating.

A president without a party: What about if the party of the elected president loses the direct election of the political associations/parties?

Since the public are voting one time in to two separate voting papers, both the presidential candidates and the contesting political associations/parties, it is possible that the voters elect a president that his party loses the direct election of the political associations/parties. Article 24(3) of the Law No. 14/2011 is clearly mentioning that the elected president has to choose either to complete his term without joining a party, or he has the right to join one of the three national parties.

Recommendations

The Commission is still in a stage to demand changes and require the associations to become more democratic with clear programs and political agendas. This to happen, the Commissions shall prioritise the quality and the rule of law over the procedure to avoid politicisation and replication. The Centre for Policy Analysis makes the following recommendations:

1. Inclusive politics and democratic values: make mandatory the associations to be inclusive and to exercise truly democratic values. In this regard, the powers of individuals who act as the founders and owners shall be eliminated, and the members shall have equal voting powers. In this context, the Commission shall supervise how leaders are elected and members votes.
2. Clear guidelines and regulations: the Commission currently lacks clear guidelines and regulations concerning the process but also how it intends to regulate the associations/parties. Therefore, the Commission shall first create through inclusive consultation guidelines and regulations. The absence of guidelines grants the Commission discretionary powers and undermines transparency concerning how the Commission makes decisions and on what grounds.
3. Financial transparency: chief among the ills of Somaliland political parties is the financing which is shrouded by lack of transparency. The Commission shall have regulations that govern how and who finances associations/parties with transparency and publicly sharing information on financers and how much is spent and where.
4. The Direct Election Law: Although the Supreme Court ruled that election of the associations/parties should be direct election, but still it is required to amend the current election laws and included the direct election of the associations/parties. The House of the Representatives should amend and issue an election law that can clearly stating how the direct election should be conducted.
5. Observation: The CSOs have a responsibility to oversee and observe the pre-election period to make sure that the inclusivity of the new political associations, particularly to make sure that the voices of women and youth are included the highest positions.

[1] Somaliland declared the restoration of independence from Somalia in May 1991. On 26 June 1960 Somaliland gained independence from the UK and joined a union with Somalia five days later on 1 July 1960. After a decade long civil war against the military regime of Somalia, Somaliland unilaterally announced that it is no longer part of the union. So far, no country recognizes Somaliland as an independent country, although it fulfils the criteria of statehood.

[2] NITIATIVE NITIATIVE & REFERENDUM EFERENDUM INSTITUTE, Somaliland National Referendum May 31, 2001, Final Report of the Initiative & Referendum Institute’s Election Monitoring Team Issued on July 27, 2001

[3] Final Report of the European Union/GTZ, Contract No: 169-EDF-IR14-02, December 2002

[4] Report on the South African Mission on the Somaliland Presidential Elections

[5] Ragnhild Hollekim, Stig Jarle Hansen and Geir Moe Sørensen, SOMALILAND: ELECTIONS FOR THE LOWER HOUSE OF PARLIAMENT SEPTEMBER 2005, NORDEM Report 03/2006

[6] Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud, also known as Silanyo, won the election defeating the then incumbent. See, https://www.interpeace.org/2010/07/first-ever-successful-democratic-transition-in-the-horn-of-africa/

[7] https://reliefweb.int/report/somalia/somaliland-s-fragile-democracy-faces-more-election-delays

[8] Somaliland constitution, 2001: art. 9

[9] Wax-Ka-Bedelka-iyo-Kaabista-Xeerka-Nidaamka-Ururada-iyo-Axsaabta-Siyaasadda-Xeer-Lr.-14-2011.pdf (garyaqaankaguud.com)

[10] According to the Article 6th (3), of the General Election Law (Law No. 91/2020), the National Electoral Commission (NEC) has the authority to hold one or more elections in one time http://garyaqaankaguud.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Xeerka-Guud-ee-Doorashooyinka-iyo-Diiwaangelinta-Codbixiyayaasha-Xeer-Lr.-91-2020.pdf

READ HERE THE FULL REPORT:

The decisions to be made and the steps to take for the coming one month will shape the realization and achievements of these important electoral activities. The Somaliland’s democratization process has been a shining example in the region of Horn of Africa. It was conducted eight free and fair elections, including three presidential elections (in April 2003, June 2010 and November 2017), two parliamentary elections (in September 2005 and May 2021) and three local council elections (in December 2002, November 2012 and May 2021). Somaliland’s democratization became one of the best miracles in the region and attracted the eyes of the international community when the first presidential elections happened in 2003.

Nearly half a million voters cast ballots in one of the closest polls ever conducted in Africa. After counting the votes, the incumbent president4 Daahir Rayaale Kaahin won only 80 votes over the opposition party. Nevertheless, the opposition accepted the result even though the margin was very narrow.

The other good examples in Somaliland’s democratization process were, that Somaliland conducted one of the most advanced voter registration systems on the planet5 to counter the double voting and election fraud. On the other hand, there was setbacks and bad lesson that affected the democratization process. The main setbacks were that the elected leaders failed to leave the office after their term expired. As a result of that, nearly 30 times were made extensions for the term of the President, the Parliament, and Local Councils. All 8th elections in Somaliland did not happen on time, and all were delayed or extended, so, the culture of extension and overstaying in the office became normal.

The president of Somaliland, Muuse Biihi Abdi, is now promising to hold the forthcoming elections on time, if that commitment is achieved, it is ending the culture of extensions and overstaying in elected offices. It will be a significant legacy and a historic milestone for the president if he successfully fulfills his commitment to holding the upcoming presidential election on time. On the other hand, the opposition parties publicly expressed their readiness for the upcoming elections.

Accordingly, the International Partners who support the Somaliland democratization processes received in Nairobi, a delegation from the Somaliland government, the members of the National Electoral Commission (NEC) and the leadership of the opposition parties to discuss the lessons learned on the 31st May of 2021 elections and the preparation of the upcoming elections. The international partners also welcomed the reassurance from the high-level Somaliland delegation that both the President and opposition parties remain committed to holding presidential elections next year and that funding to support the election is already being allocated in the 2022 budget.

Read here the full report:

Final-Report-of-2022-Somaliland-Elections-Download

In this briefing, CPA will highlight the major challenges women candidates facing in Somaliland’s 2021 combined parliamentary and local council elections, with possible recommendations on supporting women candidates to win more seats in both parliamentary and local councils.

1. Clan Politics System:

To get an answer to that question, we interviewed several women. One of the reasons is because the direction of the votes are predetermined some time ago, and household heads which mainly are men, instruct the women whom to vote for, and of course, it is clan-based voting. During the interview group discussion, a woman said, “my father told me whom I am voting for; that was how I voted for my sub-clan candidate for the last local council election to a man from my sub-clan”.

The most potent barrier to women’s political and leadership representation is the clan-politics system existing in the country. The sub-clan pressures and lack of support are reasons women give up on joining the participation in the early stages of their political ambition.

The subclan structure is very complicated. The clan money contribution (Qaadhaan) is what the clan elders collect from the men clan members, and that is how the subclan associations govern their problems and prosperities. Hence, the Somali culture is unique because they often do not ask for money for women, which applies to the women candidates. Therefore, it is hard to be active in this complicated system, considering that the clan system is not an officially vetted legal system/institution; it acts more as a hindrance towards Somaliland politics democratization because it disregards half of the population and leaves them unrepresented.

The patriarchal disposition of clan elders is also a problem that remains unaddressed even though clan leadership is the greatest tool for political platforms causing a wide disparity amongst male political candidates and female political candidates. A man has an instant advantage, regardless of political prowess, education, or monetary background.

2. Political Parties:

The political parties play a significant role in promoting democracy, and they are the main institutions controlling women’s access to run for offices. Women are absent from the leadership of the political parties; that is where the gap is starting. They prefer winning seats.

The Political parties are the factory that produces the leaders and politicians, but they became more male-dominated parties. For example, the three political parties have Chairpersons and many deputies, Secretary-General, and Central Committee Chairperson. All these positions are filled by males, except the fifth Deputy Chairperson of Wadani Party, which is a woman. That picture shows how the decision-making position of the Political parties is male dominated.

On September 3rd, 2020, the three political parties of Somaliland signed an internal agreement to promote women’s participation in the upcoming parliamentary and local council elections. They developed a voluntary quota for each political party to have six female parliamentary Candidates. According to the preliminary data, only the UCID Political Party has six female parliamentary candidates, while Kulmiye has four female candidates and Wadani has three female candidates.

The political party’s internal agreement (voluntary quota) is not enough, and it needs to make sure the representation of women in the house of representatives. The reliance on the clan elders to select the candidates births a further issue citing the points above. However, this creates a leeway for the political parties to disregard accountability and create a bounce back and forth effect, hence washing all responsibility off their hands, allowing the undermining of politically ambitious women and announced female candidates.

CPA commends the efforts of the parties and the government, especially the waiving of registration fees for women candidates and minority communities.

3. Financial Barriers:

Somaliland election campaigns are expensive compared to the national GDP and rely mainly on the private sector. Both the required registration fees of candidates and the campaign finances are doubling year by year. Marginalized voices, including women, youth, and minority groups, cannot meet those financial requirements. That is creating a political class where the only wealthy politicians are eligible to be candidates.

According to the newly approved Election Law (Law No. 91/2020), if you are a university graduate and have a dream to serve your community or nation, and you want to be a candidate for the local councils of the Capital City of Hargeisa, you must pay a registration fee of 15,000,000 Somaliland Shilling ($1,764) with other filling expenses in the political party. Also, you are required to have property or wealth. wealth^[1]. Simultaneously, the House of Representative candidates’ registration fee is 40,000,000 Somaliland Shilling ($4,705). The Registration fee of the Presidential Candidates is 150,000,000 Somaliland Shilling ($17,647).

These expenses are only the registration fees, but other costs are more than the registration fees, including the campaign expenses, Media, party registration fees, etc. According to CPA’s 2018 report of the 2017 Presidential Campaign Finance Report, more than $54 million were used in the 2017 Elections.

Since the required registration fees and other financial expenses for the campaign are extremely high, women and other marginalized voices cannot cover these expenses. Because It created something that only the wealthy politicians would be able to cover, which is why the number of female candidates in this combined election is meager.

4. Election Laws:

Only one woman is among the 164 members of the parliament. Most of the laws that the two Houses pass are male favored. One of the best examples is that the House of Representatives rejected several times to approve a quota for Women and Minority groups. That is why it is imperative to encourage and support women’s participation in the upcoming parliamentary and local council election.

5. Campaigning Efforts:

The Somaliland election campaign module is different from most countries in the world. It is tribal based, not based on candidates’ ideology requiring that women candidates go back again to the tribal line and understand all the subclan structures and earn the favor of their respective clan leader. After that process, the result can be to face rejection, misplaced, shaming, and waste a considerable amount of time, money, and energy trying to persuade their clan counterparts even to consider their candidacy.

On the other hand, the clan leaders are pre-selecting and supporting male candidates, even if their education and moral ethics are not the required standard to represent that clan. The traditional leaders in the sub-clan are starting to campaign against him and telling the clan members that this is their candidate. Thus, women candidates need more time and resources to use their campaign to influence their constituencies’ voters. They are not contesting their opponent candidates only, but other powerful voices against women’s participation in decision-making offices.

6. Voters Engagement:

Women engaging with their voters is another obstacle that needs to be addressed because the clan leaders are the voters’ gatekeepers. Already the traditional leaders prefer a male representation in their clan. Clan-based Voters prefer to vote for less qualified men rather than women competent because of their clan affiliation. But there are a youth generation and women voters who have less affiliation with their traditional leaders.

The youth generations and women voters need huge coordination, finance, and campaign strategy to unite their voices to counter the clan-based political system. That is why it is very important to financially support the female candidates to organize those women and youth voters, who are the majority of the population.

7. Media Coverage:

The world is struggling with the COVID19 Pandemic. The public gathering is minimal, and most of the candidates are using both traditional and social media to reach the registered voters to sell their political agenda. The owners and most of the media houses’ leading staff are male, and women’s and youth programs are not on their priority list, except news or event-based programs. On the other hand, the cost of the media house programs is extremely high, which causes that women candidates are not able sometimes to cover the media expenses.

Women are disconnected from the political side of media and often are engaged in debates that do not correlate with their political ambitions or even try to convince the larger public why women deserve a seat at the table but are mostly met with disdain. Media houses do less to shelter women candidates from these unfortunate situations because they receive higher viewership percentages and channel traffic.

In conclusion, throughout the electoral cycle, women will face huge challenges in convincing their voters and exercising their constitutional rights to vote and to be elected.

Recommendations/The Way Forward:

It is important to have more women in decision making offices, particularly the elected offices. To achieve that, here are the recommendations:

1. Since the Political Parties are the factory that produces the politicians and leaders, it is important to include their leadership positions with women.
2. Thanks to the International Partners to support the Somaliland Democratization Process, but it is the time to evaluate how their funding supported women’s political participation, particularly to directly support women candidates from the campaign finance expenses.
3. Somaliland Election Laws are creating financial barriers to the marginalized groups including women, also, the election laws are not supporting inclusive politics since the Quota for Women and Minority Groups excluded the Election Laws and did not include any alternative. We are calling the Election stakeholders including the Government, the Political Parties and Parliament that women voices are listened to  during the drafting of any election law and to include them suggests to support inclusive politics.

About CPA

CPA was established to help the countries of Horn of Africa region to build, peace, democracy, human rights and effective governance systems where all citizens are equal. CPA is based in Hargeisa, the Capital of the Republic of Somaliland. CPA is a member of Independent Civil Society Organizations Coalition (ISCO) and is Currently the secretariat of ISCO Somaliland, coordinating 15 civil society organisations based across all the regions of Somaliland.

Contact:

Address: Red Sea village, I/K district, Hargeisa, Somaliland.

Email: cpa.programdirector@gmail.com cpa.hornofafrica@gmail.com

Web: www.cpahorn.net www.somalilandelections.com

Update-Analysis-of-the-Amendment-of-LAw-No-14-2021Download

The Current License of the three National Political Parties is ten years and will expire in December 2022. The current Regulation of Political Parties Law (Law No. 14/2011) recognizes that the three political parties who receive the most seats of local council elections become national political parties in ten years term. But the Local Councils Election is happening after 55 Days, and the term of the Political Parties is expiring December 2022. So, Members of the House of Representatives started to amend the current Regulation of Political Parties/Association Law (Law No. 14) to answer that question. 

On 7^th March, 2021, the House of Representatives of Somaliland discussed its agenda for the 45th session. The MPs who attended that session prioritized the amendment of the Regulation of Political Parties/Associations Law (Law No. 14/2011). At the end of the session, the Speaker of the House, Baashe Mohamed Farah, announced that the House’s chair would nominate a committee from the House members to review Law No. 14/2011.

On 13^th March, 2021, the Speaker of the House, Baashe Mohamed Faarah, nominated a special committee consisting of 6 MPs and two lawyers from the House of Representatives to review the Regulation of Political Association Law, suggest the articles needed to amend.

On 3^rd April, 2021, The Special Committee presented and shared the House with their recommendations of the amendment of Law No. 14/2011. The Election Monitoring Office of CPA found a copy of the recommendations from the Special Committee of the House of Representatives; these are the main points that are included in their proposal:

• The current Law No. 14/2011 mentions that the term of the Political Parties is ten years, and the three political parties who get the most seats of Local councils will be registered as the National Political Parties. But the Special Committee of the House suggested amendment states that the people will directly elect the Political Parties and the newly registered political associations, and the three highest political associations/parties who receive 20% of all regions will be the national three political parties.
• The Special Committee suggested not to extend the term of the Political parties; if their term expire. The Amendment of the Special Committee suggested that the Political Parties cannot attend any elections, including the Parliamentary, Local and Presidential Elections, when their ten years term expires.
• The Special Committee gives more authority to the Committee for the Registration of the Political Parties/Associations, including overseeing the internal democracy of the political parties. According to the special committee of the House’s recommendation, the government has more influence on the Committee for the Registration of Political Parties/Associations, since the government will manage the employee of the Committee, their budget, and their nomination process, etc. The Special Committee suggested that the Committee for Registration of Political Parties have an authority to revoke the Political Parties’ license if they disobey the Election Laws, the Constitution, the Sharia, or other points in the law.
• According to the Special Committee’s recommendation, the government has more influence on overseeing the internal democracy of the political parties, including auditing their budget, the attorney general to oversee their general assembly and central committee meetings, etc.
• The Special Committee recommended increasing the current registration fee of Political Associations, which is 150,000,000 Somaliland Shilling ($17,650) to 300 Million Somaliland Shilling ($35,300).
• The Committee suggested limiting the Chairperson of the Political party to two terms only starting from when the Political Parties registered.

The House of Representatives started to discuss the current recommendations from the Special Committee of the House. The Recommendations seem to favor the government and the ruling party to have a more direct and indirect influence of overseeing the opposition parties’ internal party activities, including auditing their budget (both the budget they receive from the government and any other income source for the parties), the attorney general to oversee the opposition parties’ meetings. The government’s influence on the Committee for Registration for Political Parties/Association also is very high. While the Special Committee of the House’s recommendations gives more authority to the Committee for Registration of Political Parties/Associations, including revoking the license, closely monitoring their financial expenditure, their General Assembly and Central Committee meetings, etc.